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13th International Conference
on Functional Grammar
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| Toward a typology of functions for the
Discourse Move |
Inge Genee, University
of Lethbridge, Lethbridge, Canada
Lourens De Vries Vrije
Universiteit, Amsterdam, The Netherlands
In this paper we argue that the analysis of the Discourse
Move, the largest unit at the Interpersonal level, needs to be
expanded beyond the dialogic context for which it has been
primarily developed. Under the current definition of the Discourse Move, a
Move is “a minimal free unit of discourse” that represents
“a coherent aspect of a subject of discussion” and
“further(s) the communication in terms of approaching a
conversational goal” (Kroon 1995:65-6), “calls for, or
opens up the posssibility of, a reaction (Hengeveld &
Mackenzie 2008) and has a communicative intention and a
perlocutionary effect.
We
propose that a classification of discourse types should form
the basis of a classification of Move types. Each type of Move
has its own communicative intention and possible default
correspondences with units at other levels of analysis,
dependent on the type of discourse in which it occurs. The
currently recognized functions Initiation, Reaction and
Feedback (Kroon 1997) would be default functions for Moves in
dialogic conversation. Other discourse types would have a
different set of default Move types.
As
an example of a different discourse type, consider narrative
texts. Adapting Kroon’s definition, we may define a
narrative Move as ‘a minimal free unit of narrative that represents a coherent aspect of a discourse
topic and furthers the communication in terms of
approaching a narrative
goal’. In many languages, traditional narrative genres have
a typical three-part structure with an introductory section
that sets the scene, a middle section that develops the plot,
and a concluding section. Many Papuan languages distinguish
between introductory and concluding Moves on the one hand and
plot developing Moves on the other hand by employing different
types of Paragraph structure: introductory and concluding
Paragraphs are characterized by thematization (left-dislocation)
and the use of non-distributive forms, while those that
develop the plot are characterized by tail-head linkage,
clause chaining, Topic-tracking switch reference and
distributive forms (De Vries 2006:825). Algonquian languages
exhibit a similar pattern. In Blackfoot, introductory
Paragraphs are characterized by thematization and a high ratio
of overt NPs, while those that develop the plot are
characterized by Topic-tracking obviation and a lack of overt
NPs; the closing Move is often a standard formula that
literally means: ‘That’s it, it ceases boiling’ (Genee
fc).
If
such an analysis is correct, the comment by Hengeveld and
Mackenzie (2008) that
a Move in narrative will typically correspond to an Episode
only applies to plot-developing Moves. An Episode is defined
as “a combination of States-of-Affairs that are thematically
coherent, in the sense that they show unity or continuity of
Time (t), Location (l) and Individuals (x)” (2008:191). A
key defining characteristic of Narrative Introduction and
Conclusion Moves is in fact their lack of such unity or
continuity, hence the absence of correspondence to an Episode.
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| References: |
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Genee,
Inge. fc. What’s in a morpheme? Obviation morphology in
Blackfoot. In: Journal
of Linguistics (Special issue on the Interpersonal
Level in FDG edited by Evelien Keizer and Mirjam van
Staden)
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Hengeveld,
Kees & J. Lachlan Mackenzie. 2008.
Functional Discourse
Grammar. A Typologically-based theory of language
structure. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
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Kroon,
Carolien. 1995. Discourse particles in Latin. Amsterdam: Gieben.
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Kroon,
Carolien. 1997. Discourse markers, discourse structure and
Functional Grammar. In: Connolly, John H., Roel M. Vismans,
Christopher S. Butler & Richard A Gatward (eds) Discourse
and Pragmatics in Functional Grammar,17-32. Berlin:
Mouton de Gruyter.
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Vries,
Lourens de. 2006. Areal pragmatics of New Guinea:
Thematization, distribution and recapitulative linkage in
Papuan narratives. Journal of
Pragmatics 38:811-828.
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